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http://www.irishecho.com/newspaper/story.cfm?id=19221
By Ray O'Hanlon
April 15, 2009 Pól Brennan, who has been imprisoned in a Texas jail since January, 2008, has lost his appeal again a federal judge's decision to deport him to Ireland.
But Brennan has vowed to make one last bid to remain in the United States together with his American citizen wife. He will make a direct appeal to the head of the Department of Homeland Security, Janet Napolitano.
Brennan told the Echo in a phone call from prison on Tuesday that the Board of Immigration Appeals had turned down his appeal.
"They indicated that they would move to deport me as soon as possible," he said.
But any move to deport would be stopped by an appeal to Napolitano. Such a move would also shift the Brennan case squarely into the political arena.
"It's my last chance," said Brennan who supports the Good Friday Agreement.
He said that he and his support and legal team would be organizing a campaign to have people write Napolitano and congressional politicians on his behalf.
Late last November, a federal immigration judge ruled that Maze escapee Brennan should be deported from the U.S.
The ruling was handed down the day after Thanksgiving.
The 55-year-old Brennan was one of 38 IRA prisoners who escaped from Long Kesh prison in 1983. He fled to the U.S. and lived for a time under a false name in the San Francisco area.
Brennan's bid for at least bail has been unsuccessful since he was detained, this despite support from the Ancient Order of Hibernians and three U.S. congressmen who sent a letter to Napolitano's predecessor, Michael Chertoff, urging release on bond pending resolution of deportation proceedings.
On January 27 last year, while driving with Joanna Volz, his American wife of 20 years, to visit friends in Texas, Brennan was detained at an immigration checkpoint because his U.S.-issued work permit had expired. While he had applied to renew the document, authorities had not sent it to him.
For nearly six months, Brennan was held at the Port Isabel Detention Center in Los Fresnos, on the Texas Gulf Coast. A day before Hurricane Dolly hit on July 23, he and hundreds of other immigrant detainees were evacuated to a prison in New Mexico. Brennan was later sent back to Texas and is currently incarcerated at Port Isabel.
This story appeared in the issue of April 15-21, 2009
http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/politics/mep-raises-concerns-over-press-freedom-14269858.html?r=RSS
By Noel McAdam
Thursday, 16 April 2009
MEP Jim Allister has voiced concern over what he termed an attempt by the First Ministers' Office to “interfere” with the freedom of the press.
His comment came after it emerged that Peter Robinson and Martin McGuinness sent a letter to Sir Anthony O'Reilly, Chief Executive of Independent News and Media, owners of the Belfast Telegraph, complaining about the paper's coverage of the Executive and Assembly.
The First and deputy First Ministers said it was the job of journalists to hold politicians to account but the Telegraph “has been going out of its way not just to highlight negative stories but to create them and give a negative twist...”
The letter was sent over a month ago to the wrong address, but was leaked to political blog Slugger O’Toole this week. It led to a meeting last month involving the First and deputy First Ministers and the UK chief executive of Independent News and Media, Ivan Fallon, along with Belfast Telegraph chief executive Michael Brophy and editor Martin Lindsay.
The Belfast Telegraph last night defended its journalism, insisting that a key function of newspapers is to scrutinise the Stormont Executive and its policies.
Mr Allister, a stern opponent of the Stormont regime, said the letter displayed the Executive's tendency to clamp down on any criticism, and he believed other newspapers in the province had also come under governmental pressure about political coverage.
“The Belfast Telegraph's criticisms of the Executive were all legitimate,” he said. “There is a growing realisation in the province that devolution has fallen far short of the heady promises.
“When a newspaper highlights a government's shortcomings there should be an attempt to address the issues and restore public confidence. Not write a letter of complaint to the proprietor,” the Traditional Unionist Voice leader added.
In their letter, Mr Robinson and Mr McGuinness singled out the Telegraph's ‘Let's Get Back To Work’ campaign, in which a front page article demanded the Executive makes creating jobs its first and top priority — which its programme for government already places at the top of the Executive's agenda.
“We do not seek to fetter in any way the freedom of the press, but by the same token we do not expect to see a campaign ostensibly about creating jobs being used to denigrate and undermine the Executive and the Assembly,” the letter continued.
Belfast Telegraph editor Martin Lindsay said: “We are proud of the standard of journalism maintained by the Belfast Telegraph. The recent clutch of awards and nominations received by our staff is testament to this.
“The Belfast Telegraph has never sought to denigrate the Assembly or Executive. In fact, we have been among the strongest supporters of the return of democracy to Northern Ireland.
“However, we reserve the right — as any other newspaper does — to scrutinise and comment upon the workings of ministers and the Assembly.”
http://www.derryjournal.com/journal/39Death-threats-will-follow-me.5167410.jp
Published Date: 14 April 2009
An IRA informer who worked in Derry fears for his life after he was named as a prime target by the Real IRA.
The former British Army and MI5 agent believes that dissident republican paramilitaries will "make good" on their threats to kill high profile informers - some of whom have been named alongside him in a Real IRA hitlist.
The hitlist - which also includes Derry supergrass Raymond Gilmour and Freddi Scappaticci, who formerly ran the IRA internal security uinit - was issued to a Sunday newspaper at weekend.
The ex-spy, whose pseudonym is Kevin Fulton, told the 'Journal': "I have no doubt that they will whack a tout or two. They have already successfully targeted police and the British army - they're doing everything the Provisional IRA did."
He also believes "there is every possibility" that the Real IRA will carry out its threat to assassinate Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness.
Mr Fulton, whose real name was allegedly revealed by a Belfast newspaper several years ago, currently lives "outside Northern Ireland", but is taking the latest threat to his life "very seriously".
"I have always acknowledge the threat was there - they've just come out and confirmed it. I look over my shoulder everywhere I go and I will until the day I die. This is not going to go away - this will follow me to the grave. I purposefully don't go out and socialise so as not to leave a trail."
He added: "I would not take my chances walking down the street in Northern Ireland, I don't have a death wish, I'm not stupid."
http://www.londonderrysentinel.co.uk/news/Anger-at-language-proposals.5168746.jp
Published Date: 14 April 2009
CULTURE Minister Gregory Campbell has warned Derry City Council that proposals giving Irish greater priority than Ulster-Scots in civic festivals will outrage and further alienate unionists.
If adopted, the new proposals would mean that a reason must be given if an element to promote the Irish language is not included in civic festivals and events.
That would not be the case for Ulster-Scots.
New Ulster-Scots and Irish Language policies will be considered tomorrow by the council's Planning and Resources Committee and will have a number of wide-ranging implications.
However, Irish appears to enjoy greater priority in the proposals - and Mr Campbell has warned that adopting them would be a serious mistake.
Under the proposals, the council would promote the Irish language as a component part of civic festivals, events and celebrations and any decision not to include Irish language promotion "must be justified". In contrast, the council would "encourage" Ulster-Scots to be given consideration as a component part of civic festivals, events and celebrations.
The proposed Irish Language Policy also states that "Council will translate and publish at least four publications and four e-zines in English and Irish each financial year and produce twelve press releases in Irish each year."
Ulster Scots will not be given the same privilege under the new proposals.
And whilst grant aid applications will be accepted in Irish, the Council will merely promote opportunities for the use of Ulster-Scots by encouraging grant-aid applications for Ulster-Scots initiatives.
Mr Campbell, who intends to be at tomorrow's meeting, said it would be "intolerable" if the proposals were adopted.
He said: "Obviously the meeting is on Thursday and a decision has yet to be taken on the matter.
"If this is accepted it will be yet another example - and not just in Londonderry but throughout Northern Ireland - of Ulster-Scots traditionally not receiving the same amount of funding as Irish and this is something that needs to be addressed."
He added that, as far as festivals and publications are concerned the council appeared to have promoted Irish over Ulster-Scots over the past year.
Mr Campbell said: "For instance if you take the Council's Burns' Night celebrations the Irish language was brought in as a component part of those despite Burns' Night traditionally being an event that would be regarded as part of the Ulster-Scots tradition. But when it came to the St Patrick's Day parade, Ulster-Scots was not treated in the same way. Aside from what has happened in Londonderry over the last six months, if the Council proceeds and continues to promote the Irish language over and above Ulster-Scots then it will simply be repeating the mistakes of the past thirty years and further adding to the isolation of the Protestant population of the city."
Local Ulster Scots poet Wilson Burgess said the adoption of an articulated policy for Irish against a stream-lined version for Ulster-Scots would amount to second class status for speakers.
Mr Burgess also said it would be inappropriate - as proposed - to have an Irish Language Officer (ILO) responsible for the implementation of an Ulster-Scots policy.
"If we are to have parity of esteem why can the Council not lobby for an Ulster Scots officer? It would be much better if we had an Ulster-Scots speaker promoting the language," he said.
Apart from on the issue of festivals, publications and grant-aid applications both languages will be treated equally under the proposals. Employees and members of the public will be free to use their name and address in Ulster-Scots and Irish. They will also be free to speak the languages in all Council buildings.
The public can request all Council services, information and correspondence in both languages. Elsewhere the Council logo will be reproduced to include English, Irish and Ulster-Scots.
Accordingly, all logos will be accompanied by the following text: Derry City Council, Comhairle Cathrach Dhoire, Derry Citie Cooncil (Confirmation on translation of name pending from Ulster-Scots Language Society).
The new policies have been developed as a result of legislative requirements arising from the Belfast Agreement, the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages and the European Convention on Human Rights.
Local Ulster Scots poet Wilson Burgess said the adoption of an articulated policy for Irish against a stream-lined version for Ulster-Scots would amount to second class status for speakers.
Mr Burgess also said it would be inappropriate - as proposed - to have an Irish Language Officer (ILO) responsible for the implementation of an Ulster-Scots policy.
"If we are to have parity of esteem why can the Council not lobby for an Ulster Scots officer? It would be much better if we had an Ulster-Scots speaker promoting the language," he said.
Apart from on the issue of festivals, publications and grant-aid applications both languages will be treated equally under the proposals. Employees and members of the public will be free to use their name and address in Ulster-Scots and Irish. They will also be free to speak the languages in all Council buildings.
The public can request all Council services, information and correspondence in both languages. Elsewhere the Council logo will be reproduced to include English, Irish and Ulster-Scots.
Accordingly, all logos will be accompanied by the following text: Derry City Council, Comhairle Cathrach Dhoire, Derry Citie Cooncil (Confirmation on translation of name pending from Ulster-Scots Language Society).
The new policies have been developed as a result of legislative requirements arising from the Belfast Agreement, the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages and the European Convention on Human Rights.
http://www.irishnews.com/articles/540/5860/2009/4/14/615129_378383685642Inmatesto.html
By Allison Morris
14/04/09
Republican inmates of Maghaberry jail are to be punished for wearing Easter lilies in communal areas at the weekend.
Out of 28 prisoners being held in Roe House, the ‘separated wing’ of the Co Antrim prison near Lisburn, 19 are to be disciplined for wearing the symbol outside their cells.
It is believed that other republican prisoners also wore lilies but without leaving their cells.
Poppies and shamrocks are permitted within the prison but Easter lilies are banned because they are classed as ‘conflict emblems’.
Earlier this month Belfast man Christopher Donaldson, who is serving a 12-year sentence, failed to secure a judicial review to challenge the ban on the grounds that it interfered with his already restricted scope for political expression.
A judge upheld an earlier ruling in 2006 after a case taken by the north Belfast republican Terence McCafferty.
In December last year McCafferty was returned to prison after his parole licence was revoked by the secretary of state.
He is one of the prisoners now facing punishment for wearing a lily.
All the 19 prisoners face loss of privileges and time in isolation in the prison’s punishment cells.
http://www.forward.com/articles/104842/
Published April 15, 2009, issue of April 24, 2009
The violence that tore into Northern Ireland last month seemed sadly, infuriatingly familiar. First, two British soldiers were killed in County Atrium, then only 48 hours later, a policeman was gunned down in County Armagh, the first murder of a Northern Irish police officer in more than a decade. A dissident Irish Republican group appeared to be responsible.
But for students of “the Troubles,” the response was not familiar. Instead of igniting another round of ugly rhetoric and reprisals, politicians across the spectrum condemned the violence and vowed it would not disrupt the 11-year-old peace agreement that has brought relative calm to the disputed land.
Peace is not a state of being in Northern Ireland. It is a process. Violence didn’t magically disappear when what has become known as the Good Friday Agreement was signed in 1998, earning its two chief architects the Noble Peace Prize and securing a rare foreign-policy achievement for Bill Clinton and Tony Blair. But the response to the Atrium and Armagh murders is only the most recent example of how a political power-sharing relationship builds respect, trust and the incentive for once-warring factions to listen to their better angels.
This example ought to be studied and, when appropriate, modeled in the Middle East. Fortunately, George Mitchell, President Clinton’s envoy to Northern Ireland back then, is President Obama’s envoy to Israel and the Palestinians now. Though his role is important, the real change agents are those who lived through the rage and strife, and are willing to make the cold compromises needed to create something better for future generations.
Patience isn’t just a virtue; it’s a necessity. It took nine years after the Good Friday accords for a true power-sharing government to take hold in Northern Ireland. The first two elected leaders — Ian Paisley as first minister and Martin McGuinness as deputy — were once the bitterest of enemies. McGuinness said that before taking office he and Paisley never, ever had a conversation. “Now we have worked very closely together… and there’s been no angry words between us,” he said months into their administration.
Also necessary is a willingness to respect one another’s histories. Names in Northern Ireland are as pregnant with meaning as they are in other conflict areas. Whether one calls the second-largest city in the north “Derry” or “Londonderry” speaks volumes about one’s identity and politics. But as a gesture on this year’s Good Friday anniversary, the Irish Republic is allowing Protestants to register their hometown as “Londonderry,” even though the reference to the British capital is anathema to Catholics.
This is an evolutionary process, politically and personally. Consider Gerry Adams, long thought to be a leader of the outlawed Irish Republican Army, who eventually turned to politics and peace-making. Earlier this month, Adams visited Sderot and then, to the Israeli government’s consternation, met with Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh. Adams’s message: Talk.
As he told The Jerusalem Post, there “was a time when there was no dialogue in Ireland, and there was conflict. Once we opened up the process to allow dialogue, and made it inclusive, we started a very difficult process that challenged everyone…. We took the chance in Ireland. It wasn’t easy, but the rewards more than vindicate and validate the risks that were taken.”
Paisley and McGuinness are not Haniyeh and Netanyahu. Fiddling with the name of a city is not akin to deciding whether May 14, 1948, marked independence or catastrophe. Historical parallels only go so far. Still, the process of peace in Northern Ireland is to be celebrated and emulated, a hopeful illustration of the power of people and nations to change.
http://www.newsletter.co.uk/columnists/Disturbing-insight-into-RIRA.5168479.jp
Published Date: 14 April 2009
By Liam Clarke
The scoop of the weekend was undoubtedly the three pages of ugly bile which the Real IRA Army council spilled across the pages of the Sunday Tribune as part of their preparations for Easter.
The paper was justified in publishing the interview. RIRA's open glorying in death and the almost total absence of political analysis shows us precisely the sort of organisation we are up against. It makes the point more eloquently than anyone else could that, at least at this stage in its development, RIRA is not worth talking to or negotiating with.
RIRA predictably compares itself to the leaders of the 1916 rising in Dublin on the grounds that they were "outcasts in their time" and "actually spat on by ordinary Dubliners as they were being led away by the British." The moral they drew from this circumstance was simple to the point of being simple minded – unpopularity doesn't matter in politics and may even be a good thing.
I was tempted to say that it was a fascist sentiment, but RIRA's argument is pitched at a level below fascism's. Even Hitler and Mussolini knew that it was necessary to win elections and court the masses before they could implement their totalitarian policies. RIRA glories in its unpopularity – its attitude is reminiscent of the of the Millwall hooligan roar of the last century "Nobody likes us and we don't care" than the 1916 Declaration.
Whatever criticisms may be made of the 1916 leaders they had a political programme which they spelt out in detail and which was progressive for its time. The use of force was seen as a means to their key objective, the election of an Irish parliament by universal suffrage at a time when women were still denied the vote.
This is a far cry from the hate the world rant which we had from the Real IRA, seemingly devoid of any political objective beyond fighting regardless of what anyone else says. They threatened just about everybody. Civil servants, Sinn Fein and other politicians at Stormont, anyone who passes or has passed information to the police and anyone supplying any sort of service to the security forces are seemingly regarded as traitors who deserve death. All are collaborators just like the pizza delivery men gunned down at Massereene.
RIRA's description of the murder of Denis Donaldson gives a disturbing insight into the group's psyche. "He just ran into the back room. There was a struggle and he ended up on the ground. He didn't cry out and plead for mercy. He remained silent," they said. His hand had been blown off as he raised it to protect his head.
Did the men who stood emptying their shotguns into this helpless victim, recall the words of the 1916 declaration where the leaders pray that no one who espouses their "cause will dishonour it by cowardice, inhumanity, or rapine."
Instead of recoiling from inhuman acts, RIRA has turned them into a matter of principle designed to draw down repression on their followers. Their strategy – if it can be called one –is to force a re-militarisation of society and bring troops back onto the streets. They aim to plunge society into chaos and draw in the loyalists in the vague expectation that they may somehow be able to capitalise on the fear and anger that would follow.
The problem for Sinn Fein leaders like Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness is that they lack the moral authority to counter such sick arguments. They have been around too long; the roots of their power and authority lie in the 1970s when the Provisional IRA, like today's dissidents, had only contempt for democratic political struggle. Its policy was, like RIRA's today, to destabilise existing forms of government in the hope that its demand of British withdrawal would eventually emerge as the only option left.
It didn't work for the Provos and it won't work for RIRA, a much smaller group, either. Adams and McGuinness saw that the IRA campaign would fail and moved republicans towards power sharing, but they accumulated a lot of baggage in the process.
Like Ian Paisley they have accomplished their mission. They should now have the sense to step aside and let someone with a less complicated history take charge.
http://uk.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idUKTRE53E77G20090415
Wed Apr 15, 2009 10:57pm BST
By Claudia Parsons
NEW YORK (Reuters) - The Roman Catholic Church installed Timothy Dolan as Archbishop of New York on Wednesday, filling the highest profile post in the U.S. Catholic Church with an Irish American extrovert likely to speak his mind.
Asked how he would handle controversial issues such as same-sex marriage, the former archbishop of Milwaukee said he would have plenty to say, but not on his first day in the job.
Dolan said he did not like the term "bully pulpit," which has been used to describe his job, but "I won't shy away from the fact that ... the pulpit of the Archbishop of New York does have perhaps an enhanced prominence."
The 59-year-old St. Louis native, who joked with reporters at his first news conference, is expected to advance issues like poverty relief and opposition to abortion.
During a homily at an elaborate Mass of Installation at St. Patrick's Cathedral, he was applauded when he talked about the sanctity of human life, including "the tiny baby in the womb."
Dolan, like other Catholic leaders, faces enormous challenges including healing wounds from a sexual abuse scandal that cost the U.S. Church some $2 billion (1.3 billion pounds) in settlement payments with victims.
He said the Church had made "tremendous progress" in dealing with abusive priests and taking measures to stop future abuse, and promised to support efforts to help victims.
"We have got to resist the temptation to say 'OK, good, that's behind us.' We've got a lot of credibility to regain, we've got a lot of trust to regain."
In his homily, Dolan said the Church needed to address realistically "the wounds inflicted by the horrible scandal and sin and crime" of sexual abuse by priests.
A support group called Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests criticized Dolan for "dodging questions ... about reforming New York's predator-friendly child sex abuse laws."
STYLE AND SUBSTANCE
Dolan replaces Cardinal Edward Egan, who is retiring after nearly nine years as archbishop.
Dolan said there would be no change in substance but his style might differ. His priorities include reversing the drift of Catholics away from the Church, addressing declining attendance at mass and the dearth of young men choosing the priesthood.
According to a study last year by the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, about 24 percent of Americans are Catholic and a further 10 percent ex-Catholics. That percentage is roughly unchanged since 1965 thanks to an influx of Hispanics, but many dioceses struggle to find priests.
Nowhere is the change felt more than in the Northeast, traditionally home to many Irish and Italian Americans.
The New York Times said last month that Latinos account for at least half the Catholics in New York, yet Dolan was the 10th consecutive Irish-American to be installed in St. Patrick's Cathedral, named after the patron saint of Ireland.
Dolan said the church had an important role in helping new and undocumented immigrants, by providing legal services and spiritual support. He made a point of addressing his Hispanic parishioners in Spanish during his homily.
The archbishop of New York is traditionally a cardinal, and the pope is expected to elevate Dolan to that status.
(Editing by Alan Elsner and Michelle Nichols)
http://www.irishnews.com/articles/540/5860/2009/4/14/615132_378387376425CrumlinRo.html
By Allison Morris
14/04/09
Crumlin Road Gaol will open its fortified gates again this week for a new round of tours giving visitors an insight into the Victorian prison’s grim past.
The last prisoner left the jail in 1996, ending 150 years of penal history that saw an estimated 25,000 people serving time in the cramped cells in north Belfast.
In the recent past it was the home of loyalist and republican inmates, transported to their cells via an underground tunnel which extended from Crumlin Road courthouse.
The jail also contains the unmarked graves of a number of people executed in the prison’s hanging cell, situated in the C wing.
In 2000 the remains of IRA man Tom Williams were removed from the grounds and repatriated in Milltown cemetery. The 19-year-old had been executed in 1942.
Despite its heavily fortified, seemingly impenetrable structure, the jail was also the scene of several daring breaks over the years.
In 1971 the late Martin Meehan, Anthony ‘Dutch’ Doherty and Hugh McCann scaled the walls having first hidden in a drain until darkness fell.
Now a grade-A listed building, the jail, which was designed by architect Charles Lanyon and based on London’s infamous Pentonville prison, is a popular attraction.
The new tour will take in a wing of the prison that has not as yet been open to the public.
Blue badge tour guides give a detailed account starting from the harrowing stories of 19th-century child prisoners, imprisoned Suffragettes and executions to the more recent political history of the jail.
Tours will run from Thursday April 16 until Sunday April 19 and cost £5 for an adult and a group rate of £3 per person.
To book call 028 9024 6609 or visit www.gotobelfast.com for further information.
http://www.irishnews.com/articles/540/5860/2009/4/14/615115_378366462226Southmay.html
By Barry McCaffrey
14/04/09
The Irish government could soon own large swathes of Belfast’s Shankill Road. Speculators from the Republic have invested billions in the north’s housing market in the past decade, with working-class loyalist areas a particular target.
At the height of the Celtic Tiger, developers from the south accounted for more than a third of prospective buyers north of the border.
However, the Irish government has been forced to step in to rescue the Republic’s crisis-hit banking sector.
Last week it said it would take more than e90bn (£81bn) of ‘toxic debts’ – around e15bn (£13.5bn) of which is thought to relate to Northern Ireland.
Economics expert Mike Smyth last night confirmed that the decision to create a ‘bad bank’ would have an inevitable impact on the north.
“It is true that the Irish government could end up ‘owning’ large parts of the Shankill but I think that would only be for a short period and would revert back into private hands once the property market finally recovers,” he said.
http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/local-national/3000-yearold-bracelet-found-in-field-14269840.html?r=RSS
Thursday, 16 April 2009
A County Tyrone family could be in line for a reward after finding a rare Bronze Age gold bracelet on their land.
Farmer Gary Sproule accidentally unearthed the precious artefact while ploughing over a field at Castlegore near Castlederg last April. The intricate item is believed to date from almost 1,000 years before the birth of Christ.
An inquest was held yesterday in Belfast at which the item, which would have belonged to an important warrior or priest, was officially classified as treasure.
Under the law, a ‘treasure trove’ inquest must be held by the coroner to determine the significance of such finds. The finder of the item, as well as the landowner, are often then entitled to a discretionary reward.
Speaking after the inquest, Mr Sproule said he was pleased that the bracelet had been dealt with through official channels.
“I can’t believe something like this has been in the ground all this time,” he said. “Three generations of my family have lived here. It’s hard to believe the last time this land was ploughed was when my ancestors were using smaller ploughs or even horses.
“When I saw it I knew it had to be something special. It looked extremely old but it was in amazing condition. I couldn’t believe that it hadn’t been damaged, as it’s about 3,000 years old. It’s amazing to think that there were Bronze Age settlers right here on my doorstep.”
His wife Valerie said the family had been “blessed” to find such a rare object. “It’s not every day you can say you found a piece of Bronze Age history in your back field,” she said. “It’s important for Irish history that we uncover these treasures and I’m just delighted it was found after all this time.”
Expert witness Richard Warner, a former archaeologist at the Ulster Museum, said that although a detailed analysis of the bracelet had not been carried out, similar objects have been found to contain 80% gold and 15% silver.
“It would have been owned by a wealthy person, possibly a priest, a high ranking warrior or tribal chieftain,” he said.
Mr Sherrard described the bracelet as a “remarkable find” and urged anyone else finding such items to ensure that they are reported to the authorities.
According to the National Museum of Ireland, a similar piece dating between 900-700BC was found around 300 years ago in Killymoon, Co Tyrone, although unlike the find at Killymoon, which was a plain design, this recent discovery is highly decorative.
The Coroner also ruled yesterday that a separate find of a gold Bronze Age purse or ‘bulla’ should be considered a treasure.
The item, which is around the size of a 50 pence piece and dates from 950 to 800 BC, was discovered by Bangor man Glen McCamley, using a metal detector on land belonging to farmer John Kennedy at Inch in Downpatrick.
http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/local-national/97-years-later-the-tragic-loss-of-titanic-still-resonates-powerfully-14269843.html?r=RSS
Thursday, 16 April 2009
Wreaths have been laid in memory of the hundreds who died in the infamous sinking of the Titanic.
The 97th anniversary of the tragedy that claimed 1,500 lives was marked at Belfast City Hall yesterday.
The High Sheriff, Frank McCoubrey, led the simple ceremony to remember all those who perished, and especially those from Belfast, where the vessel was built before its tragic sinking on April 15, 1912.
Mr McCoubrey was joined by members of the Belfast Titanic Society to lay wreaths at the Titanic Memorial in the City Hall grounds.
Following the wreath-laying, a minute’s silence was observed.
The City Council said: “When Titanic left Belfast, on board were nine men from the Harland and Wolff Guarantee Group, led by the ship’s designer, Thomas Andrews.
“They were some of the shipyard’s finest engineers, travelling to address any problems which may have arisen on the ship’s maiden voyage to New York.
“Unfortunately, all nine men — along with some 1,500 other souls — lost their lives on the night of 15 April 1912.”
In addition to Thomas Andrews, the Guarantee Group was made up of William Campbell, an apprentice joiner and Roderick Chisholm, the chief draughtsman at Harland and Wolff shipyard.
Also in the group was apprentice fitter Alfred Cunningham, foreman fitter Artie Frost, leading hand fitter Robert Knight, apprentice Frank Parkes, assistant manager of Harland and Wolff’s electrical department William Parr and Ennis Watson, an apprentice electrician.
In addition to the Guarantee Group, the memorial contains the names of 13 other Belfast men — all of them members of Titanic’s crew — who went down with the ship: Joseph Beattie, Hugh Calderwood, Henry Creese, Albert Ervine, Hugh Fitzpatrick, Herbert Harvey, Matthew Leonard, William McQuillan, William McReynolds, Thomas Millar, Archibald Scott, John Simpson, and Richard Turley.
The memorial — depicting the female figure of Thane looking down on two sea-nymphs rising from the waves with the body of a drowned seaman in their arms — was first unveiled in June 1920, having been paid for by public subscription.
Originally located in Donegall Square North in the city, it was moved to its present location, on the eastern side of the City Hall grounds, in March 1960.
Updated: 10/4/2009
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