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http://www.herald.ie/national-news/enda-kenny-exclusive-1624111.html
By Andrew Lynch
Monday February 02 2009
The man who would be Taoiseach has much to say about the state of our nation and believes he's the one to lead us out of crisis.
Enda Kenny would love to be the boss. Not just Taoiseach, of course -- Bruce Springsteen too, the blue-collar rocker whose music the Fine Gael leader enjoys so much that he even has The Rising as his mobile phone ringtone.
The title of Springsteen's new album Working on a Dream has a special meaning for him, given that after six and a half years he's still sitting in the leader of the opposition's office and not the one he really wants.
Looking forward to the rest of the political year, however, Kenny exudes the passion and optimism of a man who believes that dream is on the verge of being realised.
"I am absolutely certain that FG will win the next general election whenever it's called," he says bluntly.
"The present lot are exhausted, clapped out -- it's the worst Government I've seen in my lifetime. We missed out by a hair's breadth in 2007, but next time it won't even be close -- in fact, I predict we will actually win more Dail seats than Fianna Fail.
COMPLEX
"In the past, a lot of people in my party have had something of an inferiority complex. That's all gone now. I meet thousands of people every month who are crying out for change and are looking to me to lead that change."
Kenny has had to develop a thick skin ever since a demoralised party chose him to lead FG out of the wilderness back in June 2002.
Over the years the Mayo man has been frequently dismissed as weak, dim-witted and even robotic -- the political equivalent of Fr Dougal Maguire.
As unfair as that perception is, the fact that his personal poll ratings lag far behind his party suggests he still has a big job to persuade the electorate that he's capable of leading the country.
In the flesh, however, it's impossible not to be impressed by the qualities that don't always come across on television -- his phenomenal energy, personal charm and command of the issues.
"I'm not going to waste any time worrying about my own image," he says briskly. "I am who I am. My sole ambition is to persuade people that my party can do a better job of running the country.
"Politics to me is a team game. I've deliberately given my front bench team a chance to shine and that strategy is working very well. There's a surge of support for us out there -- I can feel it every time I go around the country.
"At the end of the day, I'll be judged not by polls but by the results at the ballot box. To take just one example, since I became leader we've increased our number of TDs in Dublin from 3 to 10. And I've no doubt there'll be more gains for us in the capital when the people next have their say."
Whenever the election comes -- and Kenny firmly believes it will be sooner rather than later -- it's certain to be dominated by the economy, stupid. The FG leader claims that his party has come up with several concrete ideas to get us out of the current crisis and is frustrated by what he sees as total paralysis in Government Buildings.
"I was the first to point out that we needed public service reform to go with benchmarking, the first to demand a recapitalisation of the banks, the first to call for a second Lisbon referendum," he points out.
"While Cowen and Lenihan have been giving us nothing but bland statements and generalities, we've been busy working on real solutions."
Those solutions include a pay freeze and voluntary redundancy scheme in the public sector, a two-year exemption on PRSI for employers who take on more staff, slashing red tape for small businesses, cutting VAT, reducing the number of junior ministers and abolishing up to 40 Government agencies which are widely seen as "jobs for the boys".
Fine Gael in Government, he claims, would also introduce a universal health insurance scheme, demand a six-month freeze on foreclosures on family homes from the banks covered by the guarantee scheme and create up to 50,000 jobs in the green energy sector.
In the first month of the new Dail term, Kenny claims, FG will put forward two private members motions on subjects that are particularly relevant to the people of Dublin -- crime and public transport.
Responding to the recent spate of gangland killings, he says that he wants to see a mandatory minimum sentence of 25 years for murder.
He also believes that the automatic remission of sentences by a quarter should be removed and the maximum penalty for possession of an illegal firearm should be increased from seven to 10 years.
CHEAP
"Life has become very cheap on the streets of Dublin," he says sombrely. "We need the same kind of political response that we saw after the murder of Veronica Guerin in 1996."
On transport, Kenny says he would order the new Dublin Transport Authority to open up a number of bus routes for competitive tender.
"The evidence shows that people will use public transport if it's fast, reliable and good value for money," he says. "The best way to achieve that is to increase competition.
"Dublin Bus currently receives more than €80m per year in taxpayer's money to run unprofitable routes, but we have no idea how they spend this money or which routes are profitable. The whole system needs to be overhauled to allow private operators into the market."
So, Kenny talks a good game -- but he's also the first to admit that life in opposition can be deeply frustrating.
He accuses the Government of sidelining the Dail and relying too heavily on social partnership, a model he says once served us well but has now grown far too big.
"We wouldn't be in this mess if Brian Cowen did his job instead of constantly running off to the unions and employers," he says.
"If he wants to make a state of the nation address, he should do it in the Dail chamber -- that's the true forum of the people. He can go on television if he wants, but if so I'll demand a right of reply -- there's plenty of things I could say about the state of the nation myself."
He also pledges to tackle the issue of politicians' pay, hinting that as Taoiseach he would be willing to accept a sizeable cut in wages. Asked if he'd feel comfortable earning more money than Barack Obama, he replies: "Absolutely not, it's scandalous. I said a long time ago that I'd be happy to do the job for far less than Brian Cowen gets now -- and there are mechanisms in place to bring that about."
Looking forward to putting an alternative coalition together, Kenny insists that he's not worried by Labour's decision to break off the Mullingar Accord and pursue a more left-wing agenda.
"Eamon Gilmore is entitled to take his party in any direction he likes," he says. "He's also declared that he can't see himself going into Government with FF. When the time comes, I'm confident that we can do business together."
What if a nightmare scenario unfolds and Sinn Fein are left holding the balance of power?
Interestingly, Kenny believes that the Shinners have been "mainstreamed" in recent years and points out that the opposition parties have occasionally co-operated well together in the Dail.
RESULTS
"We certainly won't be forming a pact with them, but let's wait and see what the results are." So is it fair to say that Gerry Adams' party are less untouchable than they once were? "Correct, that's exactly it."
Finally, it must have occurred to Kenny that whoever's Taoiseach over the next few years is in for a pretty miserable time?
"Absolutely. But it doesn't get me down because ultimately I'm convinced that this is a great country with huge potential. We've been led into a mess -- but with the right leadership, we can get Ireland back on track."
- Andrew Lynch
http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2009/0203/1232923384301.html
GERRY MORIARTY, Northern Editor
Tue, Feb 03, 2009
THE DUP MP David Simpson has stated that there can be no blurring of the line between terrorists and innocent victims of the Troubles after one member of the Consultative Group on the Past accused some unionists of being “almost duplicitous” in their comments on the Eames-Bradley report.
The report on dealing with the past, particularly the proposal to pay £12,000 to the families of everyone who died in the conflict, continues to spark anger and controversy inside and outside the Assembly chamber.
Eames-Bradley group member Jarlath Burns told BBC Radio Ulster that some senior unionists had been “almost duplicitous” in saying one thing privately to the group while saying another in public. “A lot of our politicians came up with a lot of the ideas which we had, but felt they couldn’t really present them publicly or couldn’t support us publicly,” he said.
Mr Simpson, who tabled an Assembly motion yesterday condemning the element of the Eames-Bradley report “which equates perpetrators of violence with innocent victims”, said people in Northern Ireland were “outraged” by the report.
“The DUP has been absolutely consistent in its view that there can be no blurring of the line between the terrorist and the terrorised,” he said.
“There is certainly no duplicity on the part of the Democratic Unionist Party. The Shankill butchers cannot be placed on the same level as their innocent victims nor can the Shankill bomber be placed on the same level as those whom he killed.
“That has always been our position,” added Mr Simpson.
“This is not a unionist versus nationalist debate it is a right versus wrong debate. This is a stark, black-and-white issue as far as the people whom I represent are concerned,” he said.
During the debate SDLP leader Mark Durkan said that neither did he want a treatment of the past that blurred responsibility for the violence. He acknowledged that there were concerns over the £12,000 payment but added, “Let victims and survivors work some of these issues themselves without the rest of us savaging a report that has a lot more merit in it than some members have reflected.”
Sinn Féin MLA Raymond McCartney said the proposals must be given careful consideration and that politicians must be careful in how they describe the report. They should avoid terms such as “repugnant and repulsive”. “An objective of any process should be healing, both for the victims and society in general,” he added.
Ulster Unionist Alan McFarland said he had respect for the members of the consultative group but feared “we are back again to a one-sided truth commission” because the onus would be on the British government to provide relevant official documentation while the paramilitaries would not co-operate with the search for truth and reconciliation.
© 2009 The Irish Times
http://www.rte.ie/news/2009/0202/mageer.html
Monday, 2 February 2009 20:08
Tributes have been paid to the Presbyterian peace-broker, Rev Roy Magee, who has died aged 79.
The Presbyterian Moderator, Dr Donald Patton, said he was owed a huge debt of gratitude by all for helping loyalist paramilitaries move from violence in 1994.
And the Church of Ireland Bishop of Conor, Alan Abernethy, praised his integrity, spiritual strength and lasting legacy to east and north Belfast where he ministered.
AdvertisementIn the early 1990s, unlike the Catholic Church, the Protestant clergy and most prominent political figures, Roy Magee and Fr Alex Reid believed that engaging paramilitary groups like the IRA and the UDA was the only way to stop the violence.
t was Rev Magee who made initial contacts with loyalist paramilitaries and gradually persuaded them to call off their campaign even before the IRA ceased theirs.
The secret work involved bringing the Anglican primate, Dr Robin Eames - once tipped as a possible future Archbishop of Canterbury, in for face-to-face meetings with terrorists.
But the tentative meetings were almost derailed after the UVF massacred eight Catholics in Loughinisland.
The Presbyterian minister persuaded Dr Eames, who threatened to pull out of the meetings, to stay on board because the killings had not been 'official'.
'I knew that Loughinisland was not authorised. The leadership of the UVF was moving in a different direction to what was happening on the ground,' Mr Magee said.
Their crowning achievement came in 1998, when their success in negotiating cease-fires with the paramilitaries opened the way for the Good Friday Agreement.
http://www.derryjournal.com/journal/Slideshow--Thousands-attend-Bloody.4936766.jp
Published Date: 02 February 2009
Thousands of people took part in the annual Bloody Sunday commemoration march in Derry on Sunday and heard calls for the report into the 1972 massacre to be published this year.
The march finished at William Street at the spot where the original parade was stopped by British Army paratroopers 37 years ago, and heard representatives of the Bloody Sunday families, as well as Sinn Féin and SDLP politicians, call for Lord Saville's report to be given to the families at the same time as the British Government receives it.
click here to view slideshow
Julieann Campbell, representing the Bloody Sunday Families said; "When the British Government announced this inquiry we were promised that it would be open and transparent. We demand that this applies to the publication of the final report. The British Government should not be given the chance to interfere with it before the world sees it."
Challenging Lord Saville, Sinn Féin MEP Bairbre deBrún said; "He must ensure that 2009 is the year that his report is published. He must also ensure that his report is delivered to the families at the same time as the British Secretary of State.
SDLP MLA Alban Maginnis echoed her call saying; "We hope and pray that your long campaign is nearing its end. We say unambiguously that there must be no more delays. This must be the year in which the Saville Report is published – and seen first by the families, not just the British Government and their lawyers," he added.
Many of those attending the march carried Palestinian flags in show of solidarity with the people of Gaza
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/foyle_and_west/7865470.stm
By Freya McClements
BBC News
It is an iconic images of the Troubles.
The hunched figure of Father - now Bishop - Edward Daly waves a white handkerchief as he attempts to escort marchers carrying the fatally injured Jackie Duddy away from the gunfire during Bloody Sunday.
The 17-year-old became the fourth person to die that day, and the handkerchief - which had been used to staunch his bleeding - was later returned to Jackie's family along with his clothes.
Kept safe by his family for almost 40 years, it was presented to the Museum of Free Derry by his sister Kay on Friday.
"After Jackie's death it was given to my father, William, and he had it until he died in 1985.
"Since then I've had proud charge of it," said Kay.
For the last 20 years, Kay has carried the handkerchief everywhere with her in her handbag.
"I always called it my comfort blanket," she said.
"I had it with me during the Saville Inquiry, and it was reassuring to me to have it with me.
"It was as if some of Jackie was still there."
Kay said she had always intended to donate the handkerchief to the museum once the Saville report was published.
"I always had it in the back of my mind that once we had the report, that was the time to do it.
"I was on my way to Mass just after Christmas, and someone tried to mug me.
"He pushed me, and made a grab for my bag, but I held onto it.
"I was so shook up - it was the thought that if he had succeeded in taking my bag, the handkerchief would have been lost forever.
"So that was kind of a wake-up call," she said.
"I had to balance out the feeling I would have of being without it, with the knowledge that it was in safekeeping and in its rightful place.
"With hindsight, I probably should have done it years ago."
The handkerchief was presented to the museum on Friday.
"Bishop Daly was there, and he told me he had found it quite moving when he discovered I still had the handkerchief, that it was still in existence.
"It still has his name on it, where his mother had embroidered it because they had a shared laundry in the seminary."
"It's just such an iconic part of Bloody Sunday - it tells the story," said Kay.
The museum's manager, Adrian Kerr, said he was delighted to have the handkerchief on display.
"Everybody knows that image.
"It's one of the most iconic images not just of Bloody Sunday, but of the last 40 years, and it is incredible to have something relating to it.
"It is also one of the key artefacts in telling the story of Bloody Sunday," he said.
"People are particularly surprised it's still in existence - I think they are surprised it's survived for so long.
"It's a strange set of coincidences that left it with the Duddy family, but I'm constantly surprised by what does survive.
"That's why it's so important to have a museum like the Museum of Free Derry.
"Our feet are well within the community, because we're using the community's own artefacts to tell their story," he said.
Last weekend marked the 37th anniversary of Bloody Sunday, and Kay Duddy believes the handkerchief's place in the museum is something her brother would have approved of.
"If he's watching up there, he'd say it's where it should be," she said.
"All we want now, what we're hoping against hope for, is truth and justice from the Saville Report.
"For the last 37 years Jackie has had the stigma that he was a petrol bomber attached to him.
"It's so important that's removed. As I always say, the world and his mother has to know, and that stigma has to be removed - for all the families," she said.
"Jackie was buried 37 years ago, but he hasn't been laid to rest."
Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/foyle_and_west/7865470.stm
Published: 2009/02/03 07:30:11 GMT
© BBC MMIX
http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/breaking/2009/0203/breaking38.htm
LUKE CASSIDY
Tue, Feb 03, 2009
Waterford Wedgwood workers staged a protest at the offices of Deloitte & Touche in Dublin earlier today.
Around 12 Waterford Wedgwood workers entered the reception area of Deloitte & Touche’s headquarters on Earlsfort Terrace in protest at the actions of Deloitte partner David Carson, who was appointed as a receiver to the ailing glassware company last month.
Mr Carson took the decision to close Waterford's Kilbarry plant on Friday prompting a sit-in protest by workers.
Union Unite, which represents the workers, said today’s protest was designed bring to the attention of those 1,100 people who work for Deloittes in Ireland the poor manner in which Mr Carson and their company have handled the situation in Waterford Crystal since last Friday.
When the workers first entered the Deloitte building this morning they were told by security personnel to leave and that they were trespassing.
At one stage the gardaí were called to remove the protesters but following a meeting between two Waterford workers and senior partners at Deloitte, at which the workers registered their dismay at the actions of Mr Carson, the protest ended.
Waterford worker Tom Hogan said the protestors represented a cross section of the workforce and had come up to Dublin to make a protest and “to say we are not human waste that can be set aside when we are surplus to requirements."
“I don’t expect anything from Deloitte. They said it last Friday and they haven’t changed their minds,” he added.
More than 700 workers were employed at the plant until Friday, 480 of them in manufacturing.
Workers staging the sit-in have been operating a rota system with up to 100 people remaining in the plant at any given time.
In a statement before the protest, Unite Regional Organiser Walter Cullen said “It will be a peaceful demonstration. We will not be employing private security forces to ‘protect’ us as the receiver shamefully did in Waterford.”
“The sit in at Waterford was a direct result of David Carson’s action in closing the plant with no discussion, no contact or no respect for the working people who generated sales of €180 million for the company in the United States alone last year.
“Maintaining the plant as a going concern is essential to keep hope alive in the bids that have been made. If Deloittes are not willing to do that then we will,” he said.
© 2009 irishtimes.com
http://www.theherald.co.uk/
NEIL COOPER February 03 2009
The fictionalisation of recent Irish history can go one of two ways. On the one hand, there are the slew of pulp thrillers that feature monosyllabic bad guys in balaclavas carrying Armalite rifles. Such characters are invariably swept away by heroic SAS or MI5 types who outwit their prey with stiff-upper-lip derring-do and a dubious sense of morality. The opposing, albeit equally generic, view of the Irish Troubles invariably depicts paramilitaries as romantically unreconstructed gangster figures with a godfather at the helm. Circumnavigating such archetypes is the figure of an angrily misguided young man, who may be umbilically involved in the cause, but has seen the light enough to want to get out, whatever the consequences.
"That's a very liberal view of things," according to playwright Stuart Carolan, whose debut play, Defender of the Faith, arrives on Scottish soil next week in Andy Arnold's new production for the Tron Theatre. "I wanted to look at characters without putting a point of view on top of them. It's not saying that violence is good or how it destroys your own humanity, but I didn't want some kind of trite message behind it. I wanted to make it darker."
It's partly this uncompromising darkness that made Defender of the Faith such a hit when it opened at the Abbey Theatre in Dublin in 2004 before transferring to New York. By 2005 the play had won the George Devine Award, which was praise indeed for a play whose subject matter is still so raw that the wounds left in its wake are visible.
This was more than evident recently from the angry scenes sparked by the proposal to compensate the families of everyone killed during the Irish Troubles with £12,000, regardless of whether they were innocent victims or paramilitaries. Relatives of many murdered by either the IRA or the UVF described this as blood money, and caused chaos during the announcement. Defender of the Faith, then, remains as timely as when it first appeared.
Set in Armagh in 1986, Carolan's play tackles the thorny issue of IRA informants at a time when the conflict in Ireland was at its most paranoid. The 1981 hunger strikes at the Maze prison, when elected Sinn Fein MP Bobby Sands and eight others starved themselves to death, were still fresh in people's memories, while 1986 was the year the inquiry into the RUC's alleged shoot-to-kill policy of dealing with known insurgents removed its chief investigator, John Stalker, from office on the eve of publication. It is against this backdrop that Carolan has a Belfast stranger turn up unannounced at an Irish border farmhouse. The Republican family who live there, already wounded by the death of a son and an absent mother, are pushed to breaking point by the revelations that follow.
I didn’t want some kind of trite message behind it. I wanted to make it darker.
Stuart Carolan
Says Carolan: "It's set five years after the hunger strikes when there was a lot of paranoia going round about IRA operations going wrong, and there was this whole history of the IRA being infiltrated by MI5."
Carolan cites the case of Freddie Scapaticci, whose outing in 2003 as the IRA infiltrator Stakeknife shocked the Republican establishment. As head of the IRA's internal security forces and a confidante of Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams, Scapaticci had enforced the slaughter of numerous double agents. Carolan also refers to Denis Donaldson, another long-term IRA member and an associate of Bobby Sands, who was revealed in December 2005 as being in the pay of British intelligence. By April the following year Donaldson was dead, assassinated in an isolated cottage in Donegal.
"One of the things that struck me when writing the play," Carolan says, "was all these images of informers' bodies found around the border area. They were all these similar images, with plastic bags over the heads, hands tied behind their backs, with no shirt or trousers on. That for me was something quite disturbing, seeing a body like that, because when you look at the pictures, there might be someone's belly sticking out, or they might have only one sock on, and you can see a real humanity in that."
Carolan began as a radio producer and comedy sketch writer before turning to full-time playwriting on the back of Defender of the Faith's success. Since then, a second play, Empress of India, has been produced in Galway by Edinburgh regulars Druid Theatre, and Carolan is currently juggling three theatre commissions - for Druid in Galway, the Abbey in Dublin and the National in London - with assorted TV work.
Defender of the Faith clearly tapped into an emotional nerve which still resonates, as some of the responses to the original Abbey production testify to.
"It seemed quite cathartic for some people," he reflects, "and there were sometimes people crying. You can talk about the thing in an intellectual manner as much as you like, but ultimately, when you're talking to a man whose lost his son, that's all bull****."
Tackling such sensitive issues can itself be a minefield of misinformation. In 2008, the producers of Fifty Dead Men Walking, based on the book of the same name by former IRA infiltrator Martin McGartland, were forced to pay him compensation after he complained that aspects of his life had been misrepresented. Carolan himself points to the Jim Sheridan-scripted 1996 film, Some Mother's Son, which pitted two mothers of the Maze hunger strikers - one a supporter of the cause, the other against it - as a textbook example of how bloody conflict can be sentimentalised.
Carolan is full of praise, however, for Hunger, Steve McQueen's unsentimental depiction of Sands' doomed protest, as scripted by Enda Walsh, a Herald Archangel-winning playwright.
"It's a brilliant film," he says. "It's very painful to watch, but it's also very honest, and doesn't flinch from the situation. Steve McQueen has spoken about how when he was growing up he became obsessed with the hunger strike.
"Someone else growing up in the 1970s or 1980s might have become obsessed with something else. That's partly why you get things like Frost/Nixon. But it's important that a person be allowed to write whatever they want to write, and not have things imposed on it.
"Defender of the Faith I wanted to be as biblical as possible in some ways, and when script editors start talking to you about what journey a character's on, and try and make them a good person who becomes bad, it never rings true. There's no need to spoon-feed audiences this stuff about a good guy gone wrong. I'm not interested in doing social satire about new-found wealth or anything like that, but this thing about informers has always got to me, I suppose.
"So much has been written about it, but so much is either thriller muck or else very consciously trying to send out a message of peace. That leaves no room to look at the poverty of the human beings involved. These political situations are caused by human beings, and will be ended by human beings. So Defender of the Faith, it's something very personal, and I don't know how beneficial that'll be in a way that people might expect. At the end of the day it's just a piece of theatre about people."
Defender of the Faith is at the Tron Theatre, Glasgow, February 6 to 28.
© All rights reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part without permission is prohibited.
http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2009/0202/1232923381717.html
OLIVIA KELLEHER
Mon, Feb 02, 2009
SIX MEMBERS of the Sisters of Charity in Cork city who range in age from 68 to 86 made an emotional move to a new convent yesterday, ending the order’s 140-year presence on Wellington Road in the city.
The order first set up a convent on Wellington Road in 1868 as the building of St Patrick’s Hospital was taking place there. Funding for the building ran out but the order rallied to raise the required money and the hospital opened in 1870.
A handful of nuns in the order established the hospital, which was the first dedicated cancer care centre in Ireland. Over the years, St Patrick’s established itself as a centre of excellence and a key element of the health services in Cork, caring mainly for cancer and TB patients.
Today it provides extended and respite services for older people, and a full palliative care programme in Marymount Hospice, a specialist unit established in 1980.
The remaining six nuns have worked in a variety of roles at the hospital/hospice, including as sisters on the wards, in the kitchens and in the laundry. The running of the site has now been officially handed over to a board of directors.
Sr Anne Curry, who is the leader of the community, said the move was a sad day for the nuns but they understood the necessity on a practical level.
“It’s something very special to be here, the history stretches back almost 140 years.
“It is very sad. We have a lot of good memories here. We realise that we have to move on. But it does not lessen the sadness we feel at leaving.”
Many of the nuns have spent much of their adult life in the Wellington Road convent since joining the order in the 1950s.
When Bishop of Cork and Ross Dr John Buckley held a final Mass at the convent for the sisters last week, he paid tribute to the sisters for their tireless dedication to St Patrick’s Hospital.
“This work was done with great generosity and without accolades. They deserve the admiration and thanks of us all.” During the sisters’ years in the community they set up the meals-on-wheels service and homecare for the elderly in the area.
Marymount Hospice and St Patrick’s Hospital will continue to operate in the site for the next few years. The aim is to transfer the development to a multimillion euro site in Bishopstown on the southside of Cork city over the next few years.
Last year Minister for Foreign Affairs Micheál Martin paid tribute to all concerned with the project and especially the Sisters of Charity, saying he knew of no greater act of selflessness and generosity in not only agreeing to the transfer but also allowing the sale of the site to go towards the cost of the new facility.
Funding for the €52 million project comes from a variety of sources, including a €10 million donation from Atlantic Philanthropies, the charity set up by Irish-American billionaire Charles Feeney, which has sought to assist projects for older people in Ireland.
The Government is also assisting with grant aid of €16 million, with the balance being raised by fundraising and the sale of the Cork charity’s five-acre site on Wellington Road, incorporating the hospital and hospice.
© 2009 The Irish Times